Hitler and the armenian genocide book
Justifying Genocide by Stefan Ihrig review: Germany’s first taste of genocideThe centenary witnessed an outpouring of books and media attention devoted to the mass killing. Far from a crime long concealed in secrecy, rumour and denial, the genocide was widely known and reported on from the time of its commission — particularly in Germany, the nation that would soon build aggressively on the Turkish precedent. Germany and Turkey were allies during the first World War, with the Ottoman-German alliance ratified on August 2nd, , shortly after the outbreak of hostilities in Europe. Johannes Lepsius, a Protestant German missionary, published a remarkably detailed account called Report on the Situation of the Armenian People in Turkey , some 20, copies of which were distributed to Protestant vicarages in Lepsius also lectured to German parliamentarians in the Reichstag about the atrocities. It is one thing, then, to claim that German officials were aware of crimes committed against Ottoman Armenians, and another to say that they were aware of the genocidal character of these crimes.
Armenian genocide: survivors recall events 100 years on
Ethnic cleansing in the Soviet Union. The genocide was carried out during and after World War I and implemented in two phases—the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour , followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly, and the infirm on death marches leading to the Syrian Desert. Driven forward by military escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and subjected to periodic robbery, rape, and massacre.
HITLER AND THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE
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Most historians still think the Armenian Holocaust was hatched up by the Ottoman Turks in Istanbul in But now, almost incredibly, we discover that the liquidation of Christian Armenian men, women and children was first instigated on 1 December in the far away city of Erzurum — not on 24 April , when Armenians commemorate the first killings of the genocide perpetrated against them. We already know the terrifying statistics of the two genocides. The Jewish Shoah Holocaust , which began less than a quarter of a century later, destroyed at least six million souls. The Germans — and, alas, many Slavic peoples of the Nazi-occupied states — committed these crimes against humanity of the Second World War.
It is well known by genocide scholars that in Adolf Hitler urged his generals to exterminate members of the Polish race. Still, there is evidence that the massacre of the Ottoman Armenians helped persuade the Nazis that national minorities posed a threat to empires dominated by an ethnic group such as the Germans or the Turks. Furthermore, these minorities could be exterminated to the benefit of the perpetrator with little risk. Indeed, it was German officials who had smuggled out of the Ottoman Empire the leaders of the Young Turk regime, culpable for the deaths of over a million Armenians and a million or more other Christian minorities such as the Assyrians and Greeks. A number of clues point to the possibility that Hitler's "final solution" was inspired by the Turkish massacre of its Armenian population in
Through extensive use of contemporary newspapers as well as court trials and military correspondence, Ihrig creates an image of German politics and culture beginning in the s that makes the Holocaust seem — although still far from inevitable —a product of building tension rather than a sudden explosion of anti-Semitism. Ihrig begins his argument by elucidating an often overlooked connection in modern European history between the Jewish Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide. From there he teases out an intricately woven political fabric connecting Germans and the Ottomans, resulting in a pro-Ottoman stance despite the rumors of anti-Armenian activity. He identifies several pro-Armenian Germans stationed in the Ottoman Empire whose correspondence stands against the bulk of material, which typically did not comment on genocidal activities. After establishing German military and political knowledge of the Armenian Genocide, Ihrig tackles the much more difficult question: how much did the German public know of the Armenian Genocide and what was the cultural reaction to it? Ihrig describes the emergence of a German cultural script that included pragmatic and extended debates on both the justification and the denial of the Armenian Genocide.